The Perils of Personality Cult in a Democracy

Based on the op-ed "How personality cults derail democracy" by Nirupama Rao, The Hindu.

Chalo, ek scene imagine karo. Saal hai 1937. India abhi azaad nahi hui hai. British Raj apni jagah baitha hai, lekin freedom movement apne peak par pahunch chuka hai. Aur is poore movement ka jo sabse chamakta chehra hai — jiske naam par bhaari-bhaari bheed ikattha ho jaati hai, jiske aane par log phool barsate hain, jiske liye maayein apne bachon ka naam rakhti hain — woh hai Jawaharlal Nehru.

Nehru ab sirf ek neta nahi rahe. Woh ek symbol ban chuke hain. Log unko dekh kar aisi umeed lagate hain jaise koi devta darshan de raha ho. Rallies mein "Jawaharlal zindabad" ke naare gunjte hain. Newspapers mein unki tasveerein chapti hain. Congress ke andar bhi unki position lagbhag untouchable ho gayi hai.

Aur yahin par kahani ka twist aata hai.

Socho zara — jab poori duniya tumhein sar aankhon par bitha rahi ho, tab tum kya karoge? Zyaadatar log us adulation ko enjoy karenge. Kuch aur bade ban jaayenge. Lekin Nehru ke saath kuch alag hua. Unko andar hi andar ek ajeeb bechaini hone lagi.

Woh soch rahe the — "yeh log mujhe itna kyun maan rahe hain? Yeh worship jo mere liye ho raha hai, kya yeh healthy hai? Democracy ke liye theek hai kya?"

Toh Nehru ne kya kiya? Yahaan par unhone ek aisi harkat ki jo history mein bahut kam leaders ne ki hogi. Unhone pen uthaya. Ek magazine thi us waqt — The Modern Review. Us mein ek article likha. Article ka title tha — "The Rashtrapati." Aur us article mein unhone kiske khilaaf likha? Khud ke khilaaf!

Lekin article ke neeche unhone apna asli naam nahi likha. Naam rakha — "Chanakya." Log padhte rahe, sochte rahe ki koi critic likh raha hai Nehru ke against. Kisi ko andaza bhi nahi tha ki yeh khud Nehru hi hain, jo apne aap ko warn kar rahe hain, apne desh ko warn kar rahe hain.

Article mein Nehru ne ek line likhi jo aaj bhi goosebumps de deti hai:

"Therein lies danger for Jawaharlal and for India. For it is not through Caesarism that India will attain freedom, and though she may prosper a little under a benevolent and efficient despotism, she will remain stunted."

Matlab kya hai iska? Simple Hinglish mein samjho — "Bhaiya, Jawaharlal ke liye bhi danger hai aur India ke liye bhi. Caesar-giri se azaadi nahi milegi. Ho sakta hai koi accha dictator aa jaaye aur thoda-bahut development bhi kar de. Lekin desh badhega nahi. Ruk jaayega. Stunted rah jaayega."

Ab yahaan zara ruk kar sochte hain. Nehru ne "despotism" ki baat ki, lekin unke article ka asli punch word tha — "stunted."

Stunted matlab — jo bacha proper nutrition nahi milne se chhota reh jaata hai. Body toh hoti hai, lekin poori grow nahi kar paati.

Nehru keh rahe the ki India agar ek strongman ke bharose chalti rahi, toh political freedom toh mil jaayegi, kagaz par democracy bhi ban jaayegi, elections bhi hoenge — lekin desh andar se badhega nahi. Log soch nahi paayenge apne aap se. Sawal poochhna bhool jaayenge. Argument karna, debate karna, participate karna — yeh sab habits maar jaayengi.

Ek pura desh sirf taali bajaane wala ban jaayega. Aur yeh sabse bada danger hai.

Nehru ka point yeh tha ki azaadi sirf angrezon ke haath se Indian haathon mein power transfer karne ka naam nahi hai. Asli azaadi toh tab hogi jab har citizen ka dimaag azaad hoga. Jab log kisi ek leader ko dekh kar salvation nahi dhundenge, balki khud sochenge, khud decide karenge.

Ab kahani aage badhati hai. Baarah saal beet chuke hain. Saal hai 1949. India azaad ho chuki hai. Constitution likha ja raha hai. Constituent Assembly baithi hai.

November 25, 1949 ka din. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar khade hote hain apni final speech dene ke liye. Yeh woh moment hai jab India ka Constitution finalize hone wala hai. Log ummeed kar rahe honge ki Ambedkar celebration ki baat karenge, achievement gineayenge.

Lekin Ambedkar ka andaaz alag hi tha. Woh jaante the ki asli khatra abhi shuru hone wala hai. Aur unhone jo line kahi, woh Nehru wali baat ko aur bhi sharp tareeke se rakhti hai:

"Bhakti in religion may be a road to the salvation of the soul. But in politics, Bhakti or hero-worship is a sure road to degradation and to eventual dictatorship."

Ab yeh dekho kitni deep baat hai. Ambedkar bhakti ke khilaaf nahi the. Woh keh rahe the — "bhaiya, bhakti bahut sundar cheez hai. Mandir mein karo, ghar mein karo, apni spiritual life mein karo. Aatma ki mukti ke liye bhakti sahi raasta hai."

"Lekin," unhone kaha, "politics mein bhakti mat le aao. Politics mein hero-worship mat karo. Kyunki jab tum kisi neta ko bhagwaan maan lete ho, toh tum apna dimaag us ke charno mein rakh dete ho. Aur wahaan se dictatorship ka raasta seedha khulta hai."

Yahaan Ambedkar ne ek civilizational insight di. Indian culture mein devotion ka bahut oonchaa mukaam hai — Ram-bhakti, Krishna-bhakti, guru-bhakti. Yeh sab humaari tradition ka hissa hai. Lekin Ambedkar keh rahe the ki politics ka domain alag hai. Wahaan devotion nahi, scrutiny chahiye. Surrender nahi, accountability chahiye.

Ambedkar ka darr sirf classical dictatorship ka nahi tha — ki koi aayega, tank leke aayega, elections band kar dega. Woh darr toh obvious hai. Ambedkar ka darr aur zyaada subtle tha.

Woh keh rahe the ki elections hote rahenge, constitution rahega, parliament chalti rahegi — lekin democratic culture andar hi andar mar jaayegi. Log sawal poochna bhool jaayenge. Media questions poochhna chhod degi. Opposition weak ho jaayegi. Institutions ek-ek karke apni credibility kho denge.

Aur yeh sab tab hoga jab log ek leader ko dekh kar sochenge — "yeh toh apna hai, yeh toh sab theek kar dega, hum kyun sawal poochhein?"

Ambedkar ne yeh baat samjhaayi ki constitution ek document hai, lekin republic ek habit hai. Habit of asking difficult questions. Habit of distrusting concentrated power. Habit of samajhne ki neta ke prati loyalty aur desh ke prati loyalty do alag cheezein hain.

Ab isko aaj se jodo. Nehru ne 1937 mein likha, Ambedkar ne 1949 mein bola. Lekin baat jaisi hai, waisi ki waisi hai — aaj bhi.

Ezra Klein — America ka ek writer hai — usne recently likha ki Christopher Nolan ki The Odyssey movie aane wali hai. Aur Klein ne dekha ki humaare zamaane mein do tarah ke "greatness" ke concept ladh rahe hain.

Ek greatness woh hai jo bolti hai — restraint rakho, doosron ke saath milkar kaam karo, community ka hissa bano, apne aap ko society se bada mat samjho. Yeh purani wali greatness hai — jismein hero apni limits jaanta hai.

Doosri greatness woh hai jo aajkal trend mein hai — disruption karo, rules todo, institutions ko apni marzi se bend karo. "Move fast and break things." Yahaan Elon Musk hai, Donald Trump hai, aur bhi bahut saare naam hain duniya bhar mein. Yeh strongman culture hai — political ya technological.

Aur inka attraction kya hai? Yeh promise karte hain "transcendence" ka. Matlab — "main tumhein normal life se upar le jaaunga. Main Mars par colony banaunga. Main saari corruption ek hafte mein saaf kar dunga. Main aisa kuch karunga jo aaj tak koi nahi kar paaya."

Social media ne is kahani ko aur epic bana diya hai. Politics ab governance nahi rahi, theatre ban gayi hai. Aur hum citizens? Hum audience ban gaye hain, taali bajaane wale. Sawal poochhne wala citizen kahaan gaya, koi nahi jaanta.

Yahaan par Homer ki Odyssey ka reference bahut interesting ho jaata hai. Odysseus kaun tha? Ek warrior, ek clever aadmi, Troy war ka hero. Lekin agar tum poori Odyssey padho, toh Homer ne usko perfect hero nahi banaya.

Odysseus flawed hai. Cunning hai. Kabhi-kabhi apne hi ego mein phas jaata hai. Woh apne legend ka khud kaidi ban jaata hai.

Aur Odyssey ka ending kya hai? Woh koi aur mulk conquer karke khatam nahi hoti. Woh khatam hoti hai ghar wapas aane par — homecoming par. Apni patni ke paas, apne bete ke paas, apni chhoti si Ithaca ke paas.

Homer keh raha tha — "bhaiya, kitna bhi bada hero ho jao, ant mein tumhein apni community ke paas hi laut kar aana hai. Koi bhi insaan itna bada nahi hota ki uska community se koi rishta hi na ho."

Yahi baat Nehru bol rahe the. Yahi Ambedkar bol rahe the. Hero ki asli pehchaan uski power nahi, uski limits ki samajh hai.

Republic ka matlab hai — "indispensable man" naam ki koi cheez nahi hoti. Koi bhi aisa nahi hai jiske bina desh nahi chalega. Institutions personalities se bade hain. Aur power hamesha kisi na kisi bade cheez ke saamne accountable rehni chahiye.

Personality cult ka sabse bada tragedy kya hai? Woh yeh nahi hai ki koi ek admi bahut powerful ho jaata hai. Uska sabse bada nuksaan yeh hai ki humlog apna judgment outsource kar dete hain.

Matlab? Sochna band kar dete hain. Har issue par apni raay banane ki jagah, hum sochte hain — "arre humaare neta ne kya kaha? Woh jo bolenge, wahi sahi hoga."

Aur dheere-dheere hum admiration aur patriotism ko mila dete hain. Neta se pyaar karna aur desh se pyaar karna — do alag cheezein hain. Lekin personality cult mein yeh dono ek ho jaate hain. Neta ki criticism = desh ki criticism = deshdroh. Aur bas, khela khatam.

Isliye founders ne institutions banayi — Parliament, judiciary, Election Commission, CAG, free press. Yeh sab isliye hain taaki koi bhi ek individual desh se bada na ban jaaye.

Hum bhool jaate hain ki history sirf bade-bade heroes ne nahi banaayi. History banayi hai un crores ordinary logon ne — jinke naam kabhi kitaab mein nahi aaye. Kisaan, mazdoor, teacher, sipaahi, maa, behen — inki mehnat ka jo pahaad hai, uspar hi kisi bhi desh ki taraqqi khadi hoti hai.

Personality cult humein yeh bhulaa deta hai. Woh humein sochne par majboor karta hai ki "sirf ek aadmi hai jo sab kuch kar raha hai, baaki toh bas usko support kar rahe hain."

Lekin sach yeh hai ki republic ka asli guardian neta nahi hai — citizen hai. Woh citizen jo sawal poochta hai. Jo newspaper padhta hai aur socha hai. Jo vote dene se pehle ache-bure ka farak samajhta hai. Jo apne netaon ko celebrate bhi karta hai aur criticise bhi.

Yeh scepticism, yeh questioning, yeh participation — yahi democracy ki asli oxygen hai. Jis din yeh khatam ho gaya, us din constitution kagaz ka tukda ban jaayega.

Republic ka asli test yeh nahi hai ki hum kitne bade leaders paida kar sakte hain. Har mulk mein bade leaders aate hain — kabhi Nehru, kabhi koi aur.

Republic ka asli test yeh hai ki jab woh bada leader chala jaaye, tab bhi desh khud ko renew kar sake. Institutions kaam karti rahein. Log sawal poochhte rahein. Media honest rahe. Opposition strong rahe. Courts independent rahein.

Doosre shabdon mein — republic ka asli test yeh hai ki woh kisi ek aadmi par depend karna chhod de.

Aur yeh test har generation ko dobara dena padta hai. Kyunki har generation mein koi na koi aisa aayega jo apne aap ko messiah project karega. Aur har generation ke citizens ko yeh yaad rakhna hoga jo Nehru ne 1937 mein khud ke against likha tha — "yeh hero-worship theek nahi hai. Yeh desh ko stunted kar dega."

Chai ki pyaali ab thandi ho chuki hai. Lekin sawaal wahin ka wahin khada hai — kya hum log woh scepticism zinda rakh paa rahe hain, jo Nehru aur Ambedkar humein virasat mein de gaye the? Ya hum bhi dheere-dheere us "stunted" wali line ki taraf badh rahe hain, jiska darr Nehru ne 89 saal pehle "Chanakya" ke naam se likha tha?

Yeh sawaal har citizen ka apna hai. Aur iska jawaab bhi har citizen ko khud dhundhna padega.