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THE INSIGHT EXPRESS
Social JusticeGS-22026-07-12

When Every Election Becomes an Auction — Competitive Populism, Freebies, and the Fiscal Health of Indian States

Competitive populism and the welfare-vs-freebies debate — fiscal sustainability of state cash transfers.

Section 0 — What This Piece Delivers

Today we are going to understand one of the most alive debates in Indian governance: why every election now looks like an auction, where parties compete to promise more free stuff — and what that does to the states that have to actually pay for it all. We will use the 2026 state elections — Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Kerala, Assam — as our entry point, but the real ground we will cover is much wider: the constitutional roots of welfare, why "freebies" is not a simple word, what the Supreme Court has actually said, how state finances work (and break), and what a serious answer to this problem looks like. We will also take on one of the oldest and sharpest policy questions in welfare design: should the state help everyone equally, or only those who need it most?

After reading this, if UPSC asks you anything about welfare schemes and their fiscal sustainability, or about the distinction between legitimate social protection and populist giveaways, or about targeted versus universal welfare, or about how states fund their promises, or about the Supreme Court's evolving position on pre-election welfare announcements — you will have the answer ready. This is also directly useful for any question on poverty, women's empowerment through cash transfers, or the tension between DPSPs and fiscal responsibility.

Section 1 — The Territory: How Indian Elections Became Welfare Auctions

Picture a state election rally in 2026. The Chief Minister stands on stage and announces: ₹3,000 a month to every woman in the state, directly into her bank account. The crowd cheers. Two days later, the opposition holds its own rally. Their leader promises ₹3,500. A week later, a third formation enters and says ₹4,000. Nobody on any of those stages mentions where the money will come from. That is not a caricature. That is what actually happened — in slightly different numbers — across Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Assam, and Kerala in the 2026 election season. Every major political formation did it. The parties that criticised "revdi culture" adopted it themselves when elections demanded it.

This was not always how Indian elections worked. To understand what changed, you need to see three turning points.

The first turn happened in Tamil Nadu in the 1960s-70s. State governments there discovered that tangible, visible benefits win elections. It started with something genuinely transformative: free midday meals in schools, introduced in the 1950s and expanded over the next two decades. School enrolment shot up. Malnutrition dipped. This was welfare at its best — a public investment in children's health and education, with measurable long-term returns. But over the decades, the formula shifted. By the 2000s, state elections featured promises of free televisions, mixer-grinders, laptops, gold for brides. The items changed with each election. The logic did not: give something visible, something the voter can hold in their hand, and they will remember you at the ballot box.

The second turn came after 2014, when digital infrastructure made cash transfers easy. Aadhaar-linked bank accounts and the Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) pipeline meant that for the first time, a state government could send money directly to millions of people with a single order. Before DBT, welfare meant building things — roads, schools, anganwadi centres — or running services. That took time and bureaucratic effort, and the voter often did not know whom to thank. Cash is different. Cash arrives in your account. You know exactly who sent it. And the government that sent it can time the transfer to land weeks before polling day. PM-KISAN in 2019 — ₹6,000 a year to farmers, rolled out just before the general elections — showed every political formation in the country that this works.

The third turn is the one we are living through now: the auction dynamic. Once one party in a state announces a cash transfer scheme for women, the rival has no choice but to match it or go higher. Pulling back means losing. In Jharkhand in 2024, the ruling government launched a women's cash transfer at ₹1,000 per month. The principal opposition countered at ₹2,100. The government then held a cabinet meeting and raised its own scheme to ₹2,500. Three bids before a single vote was cast. The global investment firm Nomura, in a December 2023 report, gave this pattern a name that has stuck in policy circles: competitive populism. And Nomura noted something important — this is not a left problem or a right problem. It is a system problem. Every major political formation does it.

So here we are. According to PRS Legislative Research, 12 states are now collectively spending about ₹1.68 lakh crore on women-focused cash transfer schemes. Nine states budgeted over ₹1 lakh crore on such schemes in FY25 alone — up from just two states two years earlier. The combined state subsidy bill in FY25 hit ₹3.7 lakh crore, up 26% in a single year.

The question is not whether this is happening. It is. The question is: can the states afford it, and what happens when they cannot?

Section 2 — Concepts Explained

This section is part of the full analysis.

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Section 3 — Where Today's News Fits

The 2026 state elections made this debate impossible to ignore. Across Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Assam and Kerala, every major political formation — ruling and opposition alike — put women-targeted cash transfers at the centre of their campaign. Monthly transfer promises ranged from ₹1,250 to ₹3,000. One-time pre-election payments of ₹9,000-₹10,000 were disbursed weeks before polling day. Free bus travel, free LPG cylinders, pension hikes and household grocery packages were stacked on top.

The fiscal picture behind these promises was sobering. One large eastern state's debt-to-GSDP ratio stood at roughly 38%, with capital outlay — the money that builds future earning capacity — at just 1.9% of GSDP. A southern state's debt ratio was rising steadily even as it banked on FDI to fund its welfare ambitions. A small northern state that had restored the Old Pension Scheme to win its 2022 election was, by early 2026, deferring salaries because it could not pay on time.

What the Supreme Court said in February 2026, in Tamil Nadu Power Distribution Corporation Limited v. Union of India, added a judicial dimension. The bench led by CJ Surya Kant observed that "not a single penny is left for development" in states that run revenue deficits while continuing lavish schemes. The Court called this an "appeasing policy."

What did not change: no legal mechanism yet exists to stop competitive populism. The Election Commission lacks statutory power to regulate manifesto promises. The Representation of the People Act does not treat pre-election welfare announcements as corrupt practice. The FRBM ceiling is breached without consequence. The auction continues.

Section 4 — How This Connects

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Section 5A — Mains PYQ Bridge

PYQ 2019Discuss15 marks · 250 words

Performance of welfare schemes that are implemented for vulnerable sections is not so effective due to absence of their awareness and active involvement at all stages of the policy process. Discuss.

How to approach

Hidden angle: this looks like a 'list the problems' question, but the directive is 'discuss' — present multiple sides. UPSC is testing whether you see that poor performance is not just a SUPPLY-side design problem but a DEMAND-side one: beneficiaries do not know their entitlements, do not participate in monitoring, and cannot hold the system accountable. Directive decode: present the claim, examine evidence for and against, reach a balanced conclusion. Examiner's real check: can you connect awareness to the ENTIRE policy cycle (design → implementation → monitoring → evaluation), not just the 'last-mile delivery' cliché? Marks-losing move: a generic answer about 'lack of awareness' with no named schemes, stages or institutional mechanisms. Opening move: define what 'effective performance' means (outcomes, not outlays), then walk each stage showing where the awareness gap bites.

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Source: UPSC CSE Mains 2019, GS2

PYQ 2017Discuss15 marks · 250 words

Besides the welfare schemes, India needs deft management of inflation and unemployment to serve the poor and the underprivileged sections of society. Discuss.

How to approach

Hidden angle: this is NOT asking you to describe welfare schemes. It asks whether welfare ALONE can solve poverty — and the expected answer is no: structural economic conditions (inflation, employment) matter as much or more. Competitive populism fits perfectly: states that spend heavily on consumption subsidies but neglect capital investment may worsen the very conditions (jobless growth, deficit-driven inflation) that create poverty. Examiner's real check: can you LINK macro management to poverty outcomes, not just describe each separately? Marks-losing move: listing welfare schemes in one paragraph and inflation facts in another without showing how they interact. Opening move: start with the paradox — India has more welfare schemes than ever, yet poverty reduction has slowed.

Model answer — create a free account

Source: UPSC CSE Mains 2017, GS2

Section 5B — The Prelims Trap Pattern

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Section 5B — Prelims PYQ Bridge + Practise MCQs

PYQ 2016

Consider the following statements about the Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana (PMJDY):

  1. It provides life insurance cover of ₹30,000 to all account holders.
  2. It is a financial inclusion programme.
  3. An overdraft facility of ₹10,000 is available under it.

Which of the above statements is/are correct?

3 practise MCQs — written for this article, not found in any PYQ paper.Create a free account

Section 6 — Practise Mains Questions

3 practise questions — written for this article, not found in any PYQ paper.Create a free account

What we covered

Competitive populismWelfare vs freebies distinctionTargeted vs universal welfareFiscal sustainability of statesUnconditional cash transfersFRBM frameworkSupreme Court on freebies (Subramaniam Balaji; TNPDCL 2026)RBI definition of freebiesMerit goods vs non-merit subsidiesFiscal multiplier16th Finance Commission fiscal discipline criteria