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THE INSIGHT EXPRESS
GovernanceGS-22026-07-24

Is Corruption India's Biggest Threat? RTI Dilution, Weak Enforcement, and the Accountability Crisis

The Hindu's Parley debate (Shailesh Gandhi & Anjali Bhardwaj) mapped onto UPSC: how Section 44(3) of the DPDP Act deletes RTI's public-interest override, how Section 17A of the PCA gates investigation itself, why the 88-month trial gap makes corruption 'all-profit, negligible-risk', and how institutions are hollowed through vacancies and opaque appointments — with a theme tracker, quotable lines, a mains set (2018/2021/2020 PYQs + model questions) and 3 MCQs.

What This Debate Is About

Two of India’s most respected transparency voices — Shailesh Gandhi (former Central Information Commissioner) and Anjali Bhardwaj (RTI activist) — sat down for The Hindu’s Parley debate. The trigger: student protests over the NEET paper leak, which revived memories of the 2011 India Against Corruption movement. The question on the table: is corruption India’s biggest threat?

Both said yes, but for different reasons. Gandhi’s core point — laws exist, punishment doesn’t. Bhardwaj’s core point — accountability institutions (CBI, ED, Lokpal, Information Commissions) have been systematically weakened. Both flagged one common alarm: the DPDP Act, 2023 has amended the RTI Act in a way that can choke corruption-related disclosures.

The RTI vs Privacy Collision: How Section 44(3) Changed the Game

Here’s the thing. The original Section 8(1)(j) of the RTI Act had a beautiful balance built in. Personal information could be denied — but if there was a larger public interest, it had to be disclosed. That one override clause is what exposed the assets of officials, fake degrees, and misused schemes.

Section 44(3) of the DPDP Act, 2023 replaced this entire clause with just: “information which relates to personal information.” No public-interest test. No balancing. Gandhi’s fear in the article is exactly this — everything is “personal” if you stretch it. Your name, your age, your file noting. The courts had already tilted this way: the Girish Ramchandra Deshpande judgment (2012) treated almost all personal information as exempt, and Puttaswamy (2017) made privacy a fundamental right without spelling out how it balances against the right to know.

The way out. Repeal or amend Section 44(3) to restore the public-interest override — the single line that lets an information officer weigh “does the public need to know this?” against “is this private?” Without that line, a corrupt official’s asset declaration and an honest citizen’s medical record get the same shield — the law cannot tell the difference.

The matter is now live: the Supreme Court, on 16 February 2026, issued notice on writ petitions challenging Section 44(3) and referred the case to a larger bench, calling it constitutionally sensitive — but refused to stay the provision meanwhile. A clear legislative fix would be faster and cleaner than waiting years for the judicial route.

Section 17A: When Even Investigating Needs Permission

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'All-Profit, Negligible-Risk': Why Punishment, Not Law, Is the Missing Piece

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Appointments as the Quiet Weapon: Hollowing Institutions Without Repealing a Single Law

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Digitalisation's Double Edge: Solving Petty Corruption or Adding a Middleman?

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The Big Picture — Theme Evolution Tracker

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The Emerging Picture — What All of This Together Is Telling Us

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Quotable Lines — Answer-Writing Gold

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Mains — PYQ Bridge & Model Questions

PYQ 2021Explain10 marks · 150 words

The jurisdiction of the CBI regarding lodging an FIR and conducting probe within a particular State is being questioned by various States. However, the power of the States to withhold consent to the CBI is not absolute. Explain with special reference to the federal character of India.

How to approach

DSPE Act §6 consent → the general-consent withdrawal wave → courts ordering probes despite withheld consent → then the credibility layer: selectivity + §17A → federal acceptability needs functional independence, not just a legal fix.

Model answer — create a free account

Source: UPSC CSE Mains 2021, GS-2 (10 marks, 150 words)

PYQ 2020Suggest / Examine15 marks · 250 words

'Institutional quality is a crucial driver of economic performance.' In this context suggest reforms in Civil Services for strengthening democracy.

How to approach

Define institutional quality → link to economic performance (rule-of-law ranking, crony capitalism, CPI) → civil-service reforms → close on 4C Line 1. Add one body para on corruption-enabling features (§17A, opaque vigilance, delay-tolerant discipline) each paired with its fix.

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Source: UPSC CSE Mains 2020, GS-2 (15 marks, 250 words)

3 practise questions — written for this article, not found in any PYQ paper.Create a free account

Prelims — 3 MCQs on Corruption & Accountability

3 practise MCQs — written for this article, not found in any PYQ paper.Create a free account

What we covered

RTI Act 2005Section 8(1)(j) public-interest overrideDPDP Act 2023 — Section 44(3)Girish Ramchandra Deshpande (2012)K.S. Puttaswamy (2017) — right to privacyRTI (Amendment) Act 2019Prevention of Corruption Act — Section 17ASection 19 PCA — prosecution sanctiondeemed-approval clause88-month trial gap / all-profit negligible-riskPCA 2-year trial deadlinespecial corruption courtsLokpal & Lokayuktas Act 2013Central Vigilance Commission (CVC Act 2003)CBI / DSPE Act 1946Central Information CommissionAnjali Bhardwaj v. Union of India (2019)Right to Public Services Acts / Sakalanational grievance redressal lawDBT vs discretionary service deliveryCorruption Perceptions Index 2025 (91/182, score 39)electoral bondsNEET paper leak